On July 15,1974, the Junta of Athens, through their collaborators organs in Cyprus (The National Guard and the ELDYK and EOKA B organizations) overthrew the President of the Republic of Cyprus Archbishop Makarios and installed a “marionette” government under journalist Nikos Samson. Their aim was to unify the island with Greece, the Union being a nationalist ideal for some Greeks and Cypriots as well.
Five days later, the Turkish army invaded Cyprus and their occupying forces remain on the northern part of the island to this day.
Relations between the Greek Junta and especially the powerful man who took over Georgios Papadopoulos, Demetrios Ioannidis, with Archbishop Makarios were particularly tense. Ioannidis believed that Makarios was against the Union, was a pro-Communist, and feared his independent spirit.
Ioannides had decided to rid of Makarios and from April 1974, he had a formed plan to overthrow him. However, Makarios was warned of Ioannides’ plans by Evangelos Averoff and other Greek politicians, but he did not seem to pay much attention.
The reason for accelerating the plan was given on July 1, 1974, when the Cyprus government decided to reduce the military service to 14 months and to restrict the Greek officers of the National Guard. The following day, Makarios, in a letter to his Greek counterpart, General Phaedon Gizikis, accused the Greek government of involvement in a conspiracy against him and claimed to call back 650 Greek officers serving in the National Guard of Cyprus.
In Athens, it was decided that the coup against Makarios would take place on Monday, July 15,1974. Cypriot General Grigorios Bonanos commissioned the leadership of the coup to Brigadier Michael Georgitsis, with deputy commander Colonel Constantine Kobokis. Both officers were serving in the National Guard.
On July 11, the cabinet met in Athens to discuss the Makarios letter and it was decided to convene a broad meeting on Saturday, July 13, to assess the impact of the imminent reduction in military service in Cyprus. In the meeting it was decided to overthrow Makarios.
Early on Monday morning, July 15, 1974, Makarios took the road to return to the Presidential Palace in Nicosia from his country house on Troodos, where he had spent the weekend. The Makarios procession passed in front of the National Guard camp in Kokkinotrimithia, where tanks were already warming their engines for the upcoming coup. The procession of Makarios went unswervingly from that point, without any of the members of his escort to observe anything suspicious.
At 8:15 am, the first tanks began to emerge from their base, heading for the Presidential Palace. At the same time, a commando squadron was ordered to occupy all the top spots and public buildings. The long-awaited coup d’état was manifested with the slogan “Alexander has entered the hospital.”
At the time of the coup, Makarios was holding a reception for a group of Greek children from Egypt. One of the children heard the shots, but Makarios reassured them. When the shots multiplied and the commandos started taking over the Presidential Palace, Makarios, after protecting his young visitors first, escaped from the only unguarded passage in the west of the Presidential Palace.
With the help of his three bodyguards and dressed in civilian clothes, he fled to the Kykkos Monastery. There, he rested for a while and then took the road to Paphos.
By midday, the coup forces had controlled virtually the whole of Nicosia, despite the reaction of the EDEK militants of Vassos Lissarides and the Reserve Army, which consisted exclusively of Greek Cypriots. They immediately began to look for the person who would take over the Presidency of the Republic of Cyprus. Three senior judges and Glafkos Clerides were appraised, all of them refused. Eventually, Georgitsis ended up with journalist and old EOKA fighter Nikos Samson, one of the most controversial figures in the history of Cyprus. When he was informed, Ioannides said with indignation: “There are 500,000 Greeks in Cyprus, and you chose him to be president.”
While the coup men believed that Makarios was dead, the Archbishop was alive and well and sent a message through a makeshift radio station in Paphos:
“Greek Cypriot people! The voice you hear is familiar. You know who’s talking to you. I’m Makarios. I am the one you have elected to be your leader. I’m not dead. I am alive. And I am with you, a fellow fighter and flag-bearer in the struggle. The Junta’s coup has failed. I was the target and I, as long as I live, will not allow the Junta to Cyprus. The Junta decided to destroy Cyprus. To divide it. But it will not succeed. Cyprus has always resisted the Junta. Do not be afraid. Join everyone in the legitimate powers of the State. The Junta must not pass and will not pass. Now, let’s all join the fight!”
By the morning of July 16, all Cyprus was under the control of the coup. The price of the coup was heavy. The number of dead of the fratricidal conflict reached 450. After he stayed at the UN peacekeeping force in Paphos, Makarios boarded a British military plane and through Malta he arrived in London, where he met with British Prime Minister Harold Wilson and Secretary of State James Callahan.
Britain maintained a cautious attitude and recommended “restraint.” The United States called for support for Cyprus’ independence and called on all states to do the same, while Foreign Minister Henry Kissinger rejected a proposal to support the renegade Makarios government. In Athens, Foreign Minister Konstantinos Kypreos stated, inter alia, that “recent developments in Cyprus are a matter of an independent state and member of the United Nations.”
On the day of the coup, Ankara put military forces on alert because it was said that the constitutional order on the island was overturned. The National Security Council met in Ankara on the occasion of the Cyprus situation. The military assured Prime Minister Bulent Ecevit that they would be ready for an intervention in Cyprus within five days. Indeed, on July 20, 1974 Turkish troops invaded the northern part of the island.